Opinion: More Asian Students Should Embrace CalStates

Prestige: it’s what every high school graduate wants when picking a college to go to, and it is especially true for Asian students. Being Asian myself, I am no stranger to the pressure put on students to attend a high ranking university, as bogus as those rankings may be. I ended up not getting into any of the UCs or T30s I applied to and instead went to a decently respectable public school in another state–a story shared by many of my peers who weren’t able to land a spot in one of the “good UCs” or instate private schools. The culture surrounding the visage of prestige and accomplishment ran deep in my school, with everyone vigorously competing to get into Berkeley or USC or Stanford, and those failing to do so either quietly settling down at a “mid-tier UC”, or shying away from any conversations about plans for universities. The culture was silly to me, just by asking people you could tell whether or not they went to a prestigious school based on the volume of their responses–you didn’t even need to hear their words to know that they went to a CalState or community college if they mumbled their response. Students who went to better schools would do the usual appraisal of their decisions to go to a “lesser university”, but in all honesty, going to a CalState shouldn’t lead someone to feel shame about their choice; rather, students–especially Asian students–should feel proud of going to a university that emphasizes teaching over research, class size over competition, and choosing a school that works best for you rather than a school that looks good to others.

It is undeniable that Asian students are generally averse to the idea of going to a CalState, based on the official student enrollment data, Asian students only make up 16% of the entire enrollment demographic, compared to 33% at the UC system. Reasons for this can be attributed to the lack of doctoral programs offered at the CSU system, which prevents them from being ranked amongst other R1 research universities, as well as the persistent stigma of being for rejects or lower achieving students as a result of the high acceptance rates of most campuses. The first factor is far more influential than it should be; rankings aren’t the end-all-be-all of how a student will succeed during and after college, and the ranking methods are quite shady themselves and are very much prone to biases. The CSU system wasn’t established as a place to conduct research either, all of them being strictly R2 universities with limited doctoral programs, which inhibits their rankings; but if you are not going to pursue a doctorate, it is hard to see why this would matter in the first place. 

The second factor, high acceptance rates, is a consequence of the original intention for the CSU system to accept the top 33% of students, in comparison to the UCs mission of accepting the top 12.5% This leads to a positive feedback loop where more and more students apply and enroll in UCs under the belief that they are more prestigious, causing acceptance rates to plummet as UCs struggle to accommodate more students. In addition, the huge disparity in funding has furthered this belief–UCLA’s budget alone ($7.5 billion in 2019) was greater than the entire CSU system combined ($7.2 billion)–though this can be explained by the huge research expenditures that UCLA, among other UCs, undertake. The association between acceptance rate and prestige is misguided, schools accept more or less students simply based on the capacity of their school and yield rate; schools that can’t accommodate many students and have a high yield rate will simply accept fewer students–a lesson UCI learned the hard way. Rankings and acceptance rates don’t encapsulate the full picture of a university’s capabilities of providing its students with the skills and resources necessary to succeed. 

Instead of focusing on arbitrary ratings or enrollment balancing techniques, a modest proposal for prospective students would be to look at indicators of post-graduation success such as alumni earnings, after all, the point of going to a university is to aid in upward mobility. On this front, the CSU system is able to go toe-to-toe with the UC system: using data from official UC and CSU analytics, we can see that non-transfer students who graduate with a 4 year degree in all majors have similar average earnings in the first few years after graduating. UC alumni tend to have much higher average earnings by 15 years, however, with an average salary of $180k compared to CSU graduates’ $125k. One important thing to note when judging the difference in earnings is the cost of tuition when getting a degree; the Institute for College Access & Success found in 2020 that UC tuition was generally twice as expensive as CSU tuition–an important factor to keep in mind when planning on graduating with no student debt. 

Some specific majors to focus on include engineering, business, and political science. When comparing the UC system to the Cal Polys, which consists of 3 campuses in the CSU system that emphasize STEM education through a “learning by doing” philosophy, the Cal Poly average is $156,000 a year after 15 years, and the UC average is only slightly higher at $183k. If one were to compare Cal Poly SLO, the reputed best of the Cal Polys and CSU system, the average of $189k is higher than the UC average–a key indicator of quality education. Business and nursing share a similar story; when comparing the 7 best CSUs for business (Chico, Northridge, SD, SJ, SLO, San Marcos, and Sonoma) with the UC system, CSU alumni make around $130,000 after 15 years, while UC alumnus make $155,000 over the same time period–and that’s including the prestigious Haas School of Business at UC Berkeley, which is consistently ranked top 10 in the US across multiple rankings. The best CSU schools for political science (Pomona, San Jose, SLO) average at around $120k after 15 years, just under the UC average of $140k. 

The affordability of the CSUs is not to be overlooked, especially considering their earnings in comparison to the UC system which is twice as expensive to attend. As a result of this, the ROI of CSUs is neck in neck with UC schools, with CSU Maritime being the best public college in California for return on investment, followed by UC Berkeley and Cal Poly SLO, which itself is followed by UCSD, Irvine, Los Angeles, and Davis. Judging by outcome, the difference between CSUs and UCs is not substantial enough to warrant a feeling of shame when attending a CalState. What matters more than the name of a university is how well that university fits you, and depending on what you’re planning to study and what you plan to do after undergrad, sometimes a CSU school might be better than a UC. Just for reference, the 15 year mean earnings for a computer science bachelor degree at Cal Poly SLO is $290k, just under UCLA’s 15 year mean of $309k while being half the price. 

I would strongly recommend that Asian American high schoolers in California closely examine the benefits of going to a CSU. Despite the stigma surrounding the CSU system, each and every one of California’s public universities is set up to help you succeed if you put in the effort. Going to a CalState isn’t synonymous with failure, and going to UC Berkeley doesn’t mean automatic success either. Sometimes, less is more, and this is especially true considering the low cost of tuition at CSUs.

(Photo Credit: Frank Schulenburg licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License)

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The Long History of Chinese Americans in Texas and the Pershing Chinese

We have talked a fair amount about the history of Asian Americans in California and New York, but what about those in Texas, which has the third largest Asian American population in the United States?  This Voice of America (VoA) article talks about the the history of Chinese Americans in Texas, some of whom have been in Texas for more than 150 years.  I was surprised to see that the article did not mention the Pershing Chinese, who I just recently learned about.

The VoA article focuses on the history of Chinese Americans in the Houston Area. Rice University in Houston maintains the Houston Asian American Archive, which preserves the oral histories of many Chinese Americans. An interesting part of those stories is about how Chinese Americans navigated Jim Crow.  They were considered to be in a “gray” area, being neither black nor white, and acceptance was neighborhood dependent.

I learned about the Pershing Chinese from the book Unassimilable (which I will review it at some later point).  These were Chinese in Mexico who in 1916 helped the American General John Pershing in his efforts to fight Pancho Villa, the Mexican Revolutionary.  Because of the danger of retribution for their efforts, Pershing brought them into the United States despite the Chinese Exclusion Act. He also asked the US Congress to allow these Chinese to become permanent residents, which they did through a special resolution. Around half of these stayed in the San Antonio area and formed the foundation for the Chinese community there. The 502nd Air Base Wing recently rededicated a historical marker at the historic site of Pershing’s Chinese Camp in San Antonio.

(photo credit: AnonMoos based on image by Dawinek  licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.)

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The Accidental Getaway Driver

The Daughter asked me if I knew anything about a movie called The Accidental Getaway Driver, and I had to confess that I had never heard anything about it. Following the link she sent, I was pleasantly surprised by the plot which was taken from a real life event and the reception for this movie (a Sundance Director award winner in 2023 and 84% on Rotten Tomatoes).  Sing Lee‘s first feature film is about an old Vietnamese American taxi driver who is kidnapped by prison escapees.  The taxi driver Long Mã is played by Hiep Tran Nghia while Dustin Nguyen plays Tây, one of the escapees who forms a bound with his hostage.

The Accidental Gateway Driver is currently in theatres.  I haven’t seen it yet, but will review it whenever I do manage to see it. This is not an action picture, so don’t go to see it and be surprised that it is more of a character study. The movie is based on this account of the prison escape and kidnapping that appeared in GQ Magazine.

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The Rock Springs Massacre and “The Driving Out”

When I saw this story about historical archeologists digging in Wyoming to study a massacre of Chinese residents that happened in 1885, I thought that the Rock Springs massacre was just one of a few massacres of Chinese, such as this one in Oregon, that happened at a time of anti-Chinese sentiment around the time of the Chinese Exclusion Act.  It turns out that this was not just a rare example, but one of many in a part of American history of called The Driving Out.  I have never heard that term before, and I didn’t realize how many and how systematic these attacks were.

In this NPR interview, Professor Jean Pfaelzer described how she first got interested in the The Driving Out. When she taught at Humboldt State University in northwestern California, she noticed that she had no Asian American students. She asked locals about that, and one of them said that Chinese Americans won’t send their children there as they were driven out one hundred years ago.   She was inspired to document this history in a book called Driven Out: The Forgotten War Against Chinese Americans. The Rock Springs incident was not isolated – Pfaelzer’s count of incidents of Chinese being driven out of towns reached 250 within a year of starting her research.

One might think that the Chinese Americans were helpless and did nothing to fight back against this treatment.  They resisted in many ways, physically and legally. One part of resistence resulted in the establishment of birthright citizenship, currently a topic of controversy, through The United States vs Wong Kim Ark. That case along makes the history of the Driving Out especially relevant today.

At least 28 Chinese were killed in Rock Springs, but no one was indicted for these murders. The article about Rock Springs was written by Michael Luo, who derived it from his book Strangers in the Land:  Exclusion, Belonging, and the Epic Story of the Chinese in America.

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Chinatown on the Jersey Shore

Chinatown on the Jersey Shore?  Sounds unlikely, but for a time, there was a Chinatown parallel to New York’s on the Jersey Shore in Bradley Beach.  In the  late 19th century, a program now called the Fresh Air Fund enabled children from low-income communities to have summer vacations outside of the city.  Some of those children were from New York Chinatown, and after loving their vacations in Bradley Beach, some Chinatown families began going their on their own and renting places in the city and eventually setting up shops and homes there.

The Wife and I lived in New Jersey in the past, but we had no idea of that particularly part of New Jersey history. It shows me how long Asian Americans have been in the United States, and not just on the West Coast. That seaside Chinatown is gone now, but you can read about it in the Atlas Obscura article I mentioned above, in a book called Bradley Beach Treasures: Reflections of the Jersey Shore., and in Bruce Edward Hall‘s book called Tea That Burns: A Family Memoir of Chinatown.

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Great Highway Closing Reminds San Francisco Chinese Americans Voters of their History of being Unheard

San Francisco Proposition K was a ballot initiative to close the Great Highway roadway shown above and turn into to a park. Some of the roadway to the south (at the top of the picture) was going to close anyway as it is washing away into the Pacific Ocean, but the section north of that part would still be usable.  The Asian American neighborhoods of the Sunset and Richmond next to the roadway and who used it were largely opposed, saying it would move even more traffic through their residential neighborhoods, but Joel Engardio, the Supervisor representing the Sunset, was supported the closure proposition. In last November’s election, while those Asian American neighborhoods voted against the proposition, but San Francisco as a whole voted for it. As this article points out, this is part of longer history of Chinese American voters of San Francisco being ignored regarding road closures. Some voters in the Sunset are angry enough to start a recall drive against their Supervisor for his stance, saying that he did not represent them.

Some of the proponents of Proposition K compared it to the tearing down of the Embarcadero freeway after the 1989 Loma Prieta Earthquake, saying “No one remembers any objections to it. This has been a contentious issue, but I am confident that years from now, we are all gonna all look back and say, ‘Why was this even controversial?’” Chinese Americans in San Francisco do remember that and objected to the closing, saying it will hurt access to Chinatown businesses. Some Chinatown residents blame the closing for the decline of local business there. Chinatown residents were promised a subway line as compensation. It was opened more than 30 years after the earthquake.

Although I have lived in the Bay Area for most of my life, I really didn’t know about that history. I knew about the impact of the Cypress Freeway. Other roadway additions have destroyed communities of color, such as Stockton Manilatown being destroyed by Highway 4 construction or the widening of Geary Boulevard in San Francisco evicting thousands of Black and Japanese American families, but I hadn’t realized that there were objections to road closures.

I do have mixed feelings on both those road closures.  The Embarcadero freeway was really an eye sore, and it looks much better now. Tearing it down did revitalize the water front, although at a cost borne by Chinatown residents. I like more park land, but I have used the Great Highway a fair amount, and I really feel for the residents and have experienced the traffic through the neighborhoods on the days that the roadway is closed.

While the recall efforts against Supervisor Engardio is under way, local observers say that it is not likely to succeed as it is not backed by local billionaires like the last big San Francisco recall election.

(photo credit:  Pi.1415926535 licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.)

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Indian vs Chinese, Migration Destination Similarities and Differences

Among Asian immigrants, Chinese and Indian migrants are the most populous, ranking as the third and second countries of origin for US immigrants, only behind Mexico. Despite coming from the same continent, the migration trends of both demographics related to which cities and states they settle in the US have both similarities and differences. Many Chinese and Indian immigrants come to study at universities and tend to land high-paying jobs in the high-technology sector, which leads to overlap in migration destinations. In our analysis, we seek to answer the question: do Chinese and Indian immigrants tend to settle in the same places in the US?

Taking data from the US Census, we can investigate population centers for both demographics; combined statistical areas (CSA) in the US with the largest Indian population include San Jose (5.56% of total CSA population), New York (3.53%), Dallas-Fort Worth (2.93%), Sacramento (2.85%), and Seattle-Tacoma (2.79%). In terms of raw population numbers, New York (800,000), San Jose (500,000), and Chicago (250,000), had the largest Indian populations. Given that the Indian population barely constitutes 1.4% of the national population, Indians are vastly overrepresented in these cities. Taking a look at the economic sectors of these cities, it isn’t hard to see why; all of these cities are hubs for high-tech corporations, with San Jose’s Silicon Valley being the best example of how jobs in the technology industry attract highly educated Indian immigrants. On the state level, New Jersey has the highest percentage of Indians at 4.47% of the total population, which is a huge leap from California in second place at 2.1% and Illinois in third place at 2.03%. However, in terms of raw numbers, California is by far the most popular state for Indian immigrants with over 830,000 Indians, almost double that of Texas in second place with 480,000 and New Jersey in third place with 415,000. 

In comparison, CSAs with the largest Chinese population were New York (865,000), Los Angeles (664,000), San Francisco, (587,000), and San Jose (243,000). Here, we start to see some differences; although New York, San Francisco, and San Jose are all shared cities, Los Angeles has a uniquely large Chinese population, while Chicago has a uniquely large Indian population. What makes this more interesting is that the number of Chinese and Indians living in the US is roughly the same, both at around 4.4 million, meaning that there are different factors that determine whether or not a city has a larger Chinese or Indian population. In Los Angeles, this could be explained by the San Gabriel Valley, a wealthy suburb that is home to one of the largest ethnic enclaves of Chinese and Taiwanese Americans in the US. Due to its established presence as a hotbed for Chinese culture, the region has attracted further Chinese immigrants, culminating in several Chinese-majority cities such as Monetery Park, Cerritos, and Walnut.

On the state level, the distributions of Chinese Americans were even more extreme, with California (1.8 million) having more than double New York in second place (740,000), which has almost triple Texas in third place (240,000). Out of the 4.4 million Chinese in the US, over half reside in just California and New York, and almost 3/4th live in the top 4 states. Though both Indians and Chinese pick California as their top migration destination, they differ greatly in which other states to reside in. In conclusion, we can see broad migration patterns that attract Chinese and Indian immigrants to places with high paying jobs in the technology industry and top-tier universities, most notably California. However, outside of the Golden State, there are clear differences in the other cities and states that these demographics move to; whereas Los Angeles has a significant Chinese population but a small Indian population, Chicago has the opposite. These differences speak to the incredible diversity of immigrant culture and demographics in America, reflecting the foundation of what makes America so unique.

(Photo Credit: International Journal of Research licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License)

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A Data-driven Analysis of the Perpetual Foreigner Stereotype

We have talked about the perpetual foreigner stereotype, but exactly how prevalent is it?  Is it getting stronger or weaker?  With whom is this stereotype more deeply root? A recently published paper took a data-driven approach to answer these questions. Who is American? A comprehensive analysis of the American = White/Foreign = Asian stereotype (2007–2023) analyzes the perpetual foreigner stereotype and makes a number of interesting conclusions.

As the paper may be hard to parse for people not accustomed to reading academic published work, I will summarize what I think are the most interesting points.  As you might expect, the American = White association, was strongest among White Americans. It was particularly strong with Americans who lived in places where there weren’t many Asian Americans or who were older or more conservative. I found it interesting that these factors were much stronger than other factors like gender and education levels (e.g. college-education or not). In a bit of good news, the American = White association has been weakening over the period of 2007 through 2023, although the progress was disrupted by the COVID-19 Pandemic.  Let’s hope that this is only temporary.

I am happy that someone has taken a data-driven look at this stereotype.  I have talked about the paper’s findings at a very high level – there are more subtleties to the data and the author’s conclusions. I suggest you look at the paper if you are more interested.

Posted in Current Events, Discrimination | Tagged | 1 Comment

Asian American Clubs among West Point Affinity Groups Shut Down

As part of the efforts to eliminate DEI in the US Federal Government, a number of Asian American Clubs at West Point (the US Army Military) academy, were disbanded.  The Asian-Pacific Forum Club, the Korean-American Relations Seminar, the Vietnamese-American Cadet Association were closed down, along with other organizations such the National Society of Black Engineers chapter and the Latin Cultural Club. Some media outlets reported that some other organizations such the West Point Humanist Society and the West Point Polish Club were not included, but that is hard to verify since all club webpages were also taken down. You can see the memo regarding the clubs here in a reddit on the topic.

The Army said that the disbanded clubs were part of its DEI office, and are quoted here  saying that “more than one hundred clubs remain at the U.S. Military Academy, and our leadership will continue to provide opportunities for cadets to pursue their academic, military, and physical fitness interests while following Army policy, directives, and guidance.” You can see that this is true from this archived version of the now gone club web page. The disbanded organizations were listed under Affinity clubs  while other seemingly ethnic organizations, like the West Point Polish Club, were not. There are many clubs at West Point, which amazes me because I didn’t think that the cadets would have much time to participate in them.

The coming months will see if this trend continues to other publicly funded colleges and universities, as many affinity organizations on campuses have some funding from their institutions. Some US corporations have begun rolling back DEI initiatives, although I have not heard about this affecting their internal affinity groups and employee resource groups.

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Could the Next California Governor be an Asian?

California Governor Gavin Newsom has been a polarizing figure in American politics, largely due to him being the head of the most hated state by Republicans, but also for his moderate policies that have drawn him criticism from both the left and the right. It is undeniable that he has ambitions to become the next president of the United States, and after his second term is finished in 2026, he will get that chance in 2028. Governor Newsom has some big shoes to fill–being the governor of the world’s 5th largest economy is no easy task, especially given the chronic struggles California faces with climate change, inequality, and the everlasting “exodus” conservatives bash the state for. That being said, there have already been some eager individuals who have announced their candidacy for the governor’s office, among which is the vice chair of the California Democratic Party–Betty Yee.

California is one of the most diverse states in the union, yet out of 174 years of existence, there has yet to be a minority in the office of the governor. In the 2026 election, there is a chance for this to change. Candidates who have declared their interest include former President pro tempore of the state senate Toni Atkins, lieutenant governor Eleni Kounalakis, former Mayor of Los Angeles Antonio Villaraigosa, Stephen Cloobeck, Tony Thurmond, Michael Younger, and Betty Yee. Up against notable high-ranking Democrats, Betty Yee has a tough challenge in front of her, but she’s not without her own set of accomplishments that make her a formidable candidate. 

A child of Chinese immigrants, Yee grew up in San Francisco learning Mandarin as her first language. After completing a bachelor’s degree in sociology at UC Berkeley, she then completed her MPA at Golden Gate University, before working for the California State Legislature as the chief deputy director for budget under Governor Gray Davis, and later the chief deputy under Carole Migden, a Board of Equalization member. In 2006, Yee was elected to the California Board of Equalization District 1 by herself, winning with 65% of the votes, and was re-elected to the same district in 2010 with 63%. In 2014, she won the election to become the California State controller, where she beat the Republican opposition 54% to 46%–after serving two terms, she has since left the office in 2023. Yee also temporarily served as vice president for California Women Lead, which is an NPO organization for women running for political offices in California. Additionally, she currently sits on the board of trustees for CalPERS and CalSTRS, the state’s public employees’ retirement system and the state’s teachers’ retirement system respectively.

With a political career spanning two decades, Yee has no shortage of impressive achievements, leading the fight on the 2011 “Amazon Tax” that collected sales taxes on online purchases, reformed the tax code to ensure equity on property taxes for same-sex couples, and discovered and redirected $7.3 billion in mismanaged funds on the state and local level. Coupled with her solid previous election results, Yee has a fighting chance of going up against some big name Democrats to become the next governor of California. Whether or not she sets new records and becomes the first minority woman to hold the office will depend on her ability to tackle California’s most pressing problems: climate change, high cost of living, and homelessness. 

Regarding climate change, Yee has made it clear that this issue is one of her top priorities as governor of California; being a member of Climate Resolve and an advocate for SB350, the Clean Energy and Pollution Reduction Act, she is posed to continue the fight against major polluters and protect our environment. However, every Democratic candidate says the same thing regarding climate change, and outside of her memberships and endorsements, Yee does not particularly stand out on this front in comparison to her opponents. 

On the high cost of living, Yee claims that her experiences managing her parents’ finances at a young age coupled with her professional experience as deputy budget director and state controller make her fit for the position. Facing a $73 billion deficit, Yee believes her expertise will help California bounce back from this slump. Indeed, this seems to be an advantage she has over her counterparts, as none of the other candidates have the same level of in-depth experience managing the state’s finances as she does. 

Finally, concerning homelessness, Yee has been mostly lukewarm on the issue, with no documented instances of advocating for homeless measures in the state, and not a single mention of the word on her official candidate page. 

Betty Yee has some daunting opponents in her way of running for the office of the governor. If she wants a bigger shot at winning, she will have to prove to the Californian electorate that she has what it takes to combat California’s biggest issues, but beyond that, she needs to show Californians that she is more than just a lukewarm moderate Democrat compared to Newsom. California is undergoing some of the worst years in its history, with record high costs of living, homelessness, and emigration; in order for Betty Yee to win, she must prove that she is willing to change California drastically to meet the needs of its 39 million residents. 

(Photo Credit: Gage Skidmore licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported License)

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Remake of ‘The Wedding Banquet’ in Theaters on April 18th

Back in December, I saw actress Joan Chen in San Francisco speaking at a special community screening of Didiwhere she mentioned that she was in an upcoming remake of Ang Lee’s classic, The Wedding Banquet, that was going to be released in 2025. Well, the remake just premiered at the Sundance Film Festival, to rave reviews, scoring 95% “Fresh” on Rotten Tomatoes (when this was written). According to the trailer description, the remake is as follows:

“From Director Andrew Ahn comes a joyful comedy of errors about a chosen family navigating the disasters and delights of family expectations, queerness, and cultural identity. Angela and her partner Lee have been unlucky with their IVF treatments, but can’t afford to pay for another round. Meanwhile their friend Min, the closeted scion of a multinational corporate empire, has plenty of family money but a soon-to-expire student visa. When his commitment-phobic boyfriend Chris rejects his proposal, Min makes the offer to Angela instead: a green card marriage in exchange for funding Lee’s IVF. But their plans to quietly elope are upended when Min’s skeptical grandmother flies in from Korea unannounced, insisting on an all-out wedding extravaganza. With a pitch-perfect cast of multigenerational talent that includes Bowen Yang, Academy Award nominee Lily Gladstone, Kelly Marie Tran, Han Gi-chan, Joan Chen, and Academy Award winner Youn Yuh-jung, this fresh reimagining of Ang Lee’s beloved, Award-winning rom-com teems with humour and heart in a poignant reminder that being part of a family means learning to both accept and forgive.””

I wondered why a remake was being done, and here is part of the backstory from this Washington Post article, ‘Remake of Ang Lee’s The Wedding Banquet is a buzzy Sundance hit’:

“That opportunity began with a call from Anita Gou, a producer working for the Taiwanese Central Motion Picture Corporation, the government-run agency that had produced Lee’s original. As part of a new initiative to revisit some of its back catalogue, the company had the blessing of [Ang] Lee and his longtime collaborator, writer and film producer James Schamus, to reimagine “The Wedding Banquet.” Schamus had hired Ahn to direct 2019’s “Driveways,” in which a young Asian American boy forms an unexpected friendship with the retired Korean War veteran next door, after watching Ahn’s first film, “Spa Night,” a gay coming-of-age story set in a Korean spa. In the intervening years, Ahn had also directed the hit Hulu comedy “Fire Island,” starring Bowen Yang and Joel Kim Booster.”

“Andrew was our first and only recommendation and immediately embraced!” Schamus, who later joined Ahn to co-write the “Wedding Banquet” script, told The Washington Post by email.”

The film is scheduled to open on Friday, April 18th, and I can’t wait. I’ve seen the original The Wedding Banquet, which was a film ahead of its time when released back in 1993. I look forward to possibly doing another “Gold Open” buyout for the film, like I have for Crazy Rich Asians, Joy Ride and Didi.

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Great-grandson of Wong Kim Ark, who established Birthright Citizenship, Talks about Trump Executive Order

The United States vs Kim Wong Ark is the case that helped guaranteed birthright citizenship – that people born in the United States would automatically be US citizens.  Almost two years after the 125th Anniversary of that decision, President Donald Trump moved to rescind that right through executive order. Wong’s great-grandson, Norman Wong, had something to say about that:

He’s feeding off the American mindset, and it’s not a healthy one. We can’t build the country together and be against everybody. I think the best thing to do is for Americans to actually be embracing Americans.

Norman Wong is 74 and lives in Brentwood California. He spent his younger days advocating for Asian American studies at Berkeley, but only found out about his great-grandfather’s history in his 50s. The executive order limits birthright citizenship to children who have at least one parent who is a citizen or permanent resident and is under legal challenges.

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